Lawyer
Centurion, 1914–1928
Born 3 December 1856 in Saint John, New Brunswick, Canada
Died 19 January 1928 in New York (Manhattan), New York
Buried Cimetière Mont-Royal, Outremont, Quebec, Canada
Proposed by Henry deForest Baldwin and Robert Grier Monroe
Elected 5 December 1914 at age fifty-eight
Century Memorial
In the period which reminiscent politicians might describe as politically the Roaring Nineties, Wallace Macfarlane was one of a triumvirate of Centurions who were united both in practice of law and in the conflict for political reform. The political battles of that period seem in retrospect to have been fought in another America than that of 1928. When campaign speakers talked of the “issues of the war” they meant the War of Secession, and the “issue” sometimes consisted of assertion that a Democratic administration would pay the Confederate debt. The protective tariff was a perennial dogma at elections, then as now, but the tariff in those simple days was defended as a guarantee to American workingmen against destitution, not as the necessary creator of an immense prosperity.
Prosperity had in fact to be handled delicately. The temptation was as great in those days as in these to picture Prosperity as a goddess who wore a party badge and would turn her back contemptuously on the country if the other party won. But the awkwardly frequent recurrence of financial panics in that period of America’s adolescence, with irritating disregard of who was in the White House, made it difficult for platform or “keynote speech” to appeal convincingly to one party’s record in achieving business booms or the other party’s habit of promoting adversity. Therefore political exchange of compliments had to search for other issues. One was Europe, an enemy to whom in those days we unfortunately owed money and whom, therefore, we doubly disliked—England particularly, who was always investing gold in our political campaigns to purchase free-trade votes. Civil Service Reform violated the right of any and every free American to any and every office; it was treated therefore with coldness in the platforms and with open hostility in political bargain-making. If these planks grew insecure to political footing and the price of wheat was low, statesmen of both parties would urge tinkering with the currency. Open recognition of the gold standard was talked about only in whispers, like repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment nowadays. No self-respecting platform would mention it.
Into this farrago of political absurdities was suddenly injected the practical, sensible and commanding personality of Mr. Cleveland, and the young New York reformers enlisted enthusiastically under his leadership. They attacked the perpetually increasing exactions of the tariff, fought every effort at compromise with unsound money, engaged personally and enthusiastically in the campaigns of 1890 and 1892, and won the fight. Macfarlane took the stump effectively; he spoke as occasion required from a “cart-tail” or in formal meetings. It was the era of young men on the political battle-line. In American politics it stood quite by itself; but it ended abruptly with the revolt of the prairie states and Bryan’s capture of the Democratic party. The subsequent momentous changes, economic, social and political, that came with the European war, have made it ancient history.
Along with these political activities, Macfarlane won early and high repute in his legal practice. Personally an agreeable companion, an omnivorous reader, an entertaining conversationalist and a loyal friend, life was full of interest to him up to the last; but it was in his own intellectual resources that he found his greatest pleasure.
Alexander Dana Noyes
1929 Century Association Yearbook